Friday, September 6, 2019

Hofstede Individualism - Uk vs Can Essay Example for Free

Hofstede Individualism Uk vs Can Essay There are many vast differences among the numerous cultural value systems, as most â€Å"value systems are rooted strongly in history and appear to be resistant to change† (De Mooij, 2003). However, if a culture has a significant influence on the development of another nation’s culture, is it surprising that those same values could very well transfer over? In the newer developed culture that adopted traits of a â€Å"mother† nation, is it not plausible for such aspects as advertisement and communication strategies to hold potential for applicability to both cultures alike? As Canada is a part of United Kingdom’s Commonwealth, it is a logical assumption that they inherited cultural traits and attributes commonly associated with those from the UK. Invoking the question whether they have they lost these cultural notions over their years of independence? According to Geert Hofstede’s cultural dimensions (Hofstede, 2001) individualism is an apparent cultural characteristic that both the United Kingdom and Canada still presently share. An international communicator could make a reasonable presumption that advertisement and communication strategies from the United Kingdom, being a mother nation to Canada, can be successfully utilized in Canada. In spite of this, there are little resources available to support such an acclamation. For such reason, the objective of this paper is to identify cultural attributes shared between the United Kingdom and Canada. Thus engaging the question What significant features in respective Crimestoppers campaigns, reflect cultural similarities of both Canada and United Kingdom? Purpose This research report will aim to establish significant comparable characteristics of Canada and United Kingdom’s national resemblance over Hofstede’s cultural individualism. Therefore, analyzing of adverts from both  countries’ Crimestoppers programs, assessing over the traits epitomized through Geert Hofstede’s individualism/collectivism cultural dimension and criteria of the high/low-context culture. This will give insight of cultural comparable characteristics from the adverts, which bares practical relevance for international communicators planning advertisements in both or each of the respective countries. The combination of distinguishing major similar characteristics evident in such adverts, and weighing them with the attributes stated in Hofstede’s dimensions of Canada and United Kingdom can act as a pertinent source for future cross-culture comparisons. 2|Page Theoretical Framework Culture typically holds a fuzzy perception, which makes effective marketing and advertising communication difficult in adapting to a foreign or international target market’s cultural values. For communication practitioners to assess their strategy’s affect on another cultural market there needs to be a basis in which they can conduct such evaluation. Such a basis for cross-examining countries does exist and is held in the highest regard for cultural comparison. The basis for said desire, is in Geert Hofstede’s 5 cultural dimensions: Power Distance (PDI), Individualism versus Collectivism (IDV), Masculinity versus Femininity (MAS), Uncertainty Avoidance (UAI) and Long-term versus Short-term orientation (LTO). These dimensions are used by many in the subject of cross-cultural communications; one individual in particular whose cross-cultural theories are deeply rooted from these 5 dimensions is Marieke de Mooij. As exclaimed by de Mooij (2003) â€Å"Countries can now be compared by means of dimensional scales and culture†¦in particular Hofstede’s (1991, 2001) dimensions of national culture are useful because of availability of country scores for a large number of countries† and the characteristics these dimensions implicate. Geert Hofstede’s 5-dimension model plays such a significant role in this research paper as it is from here that the main basis of the cultural connection concept originates. As one can see, Individualism – of the IDV cultural dimension – is where the United Kingdom and Canada excel the most (see Figure 2, Appendix). Thus, that dimension is most applicable in crossculturally comparing the two nation’s programs to determine dominant characteristics in their similarities. In accordance with Geert Hofstede’s cultural dimension country scores, United Kingdom and  Canada rank relatively high in Individualism of the IDV dimension – with scores of 89 and 80 respectively – making it a top dimension to match the two. There are several factors pertaining to individualism that define an individualist’s ideals versus that of a collectivist. Four noteworthy merits of importance to individualistic ideals are privacy, individual initiative, culpability, and independence (de Mooij, 2010). Several researchers’ works have associated these aspects reflecting traits commonly found with individualism favouring nations. To list ac couple of said researchers: Lamoreaux and Morling (2012), Zandpour (1994), Albers-Miller and Gelb (1996), de Mooij herself (1998), and Dahl (2004). While the four aforementioned factors are a good basis, another criterion is needed to compare Individualism of United Kingdom and Canada in order to gain a valuable insight into potential for cross culture communication strategies. This category compliments Hofstede’s individualistic and collectivistic culture dimension, and is another worthy measure in classifying a nation’s different depiction on individualism and collectivism. The vast difference between individualistic and collectivistic cultures is in the low/high-context communication methods (de Mooij, 2010). Through advertisements in these individualistic cultures, the public expects a personal and direct approach. Edward Hall developed a theory on high/low context, which compliments Hofstede’s individualism/collectivism framework (Hillebrand, 2007) while Dahl’s (2004) work supports the elements of Hofstede’s dimensions and Hall’s low context alike. Hall’s theory coincides with concepts from de Mooij over cross culture comparing of a low-context culture. low-context culture concepts are defined in three areas, being straightforward verbal communication, their directives and emphasis on use of personal pronouns. These concepts hold relevance as Canada and United Kingdom carry labels as individualistic nations by Hofstede therefore low-context in nature and analyzing their respective adverts through the individualistic trait and concepts of low-context messages, will reveal which characteristics are significant in defining them as culturally comparable. Methodology The methodology used for this paper is in a qualitative analysis of a few commercial adverts. In order to distinguish characteristics shared by United Kingdom and Canada, I decided to observe citizen participation programs functioning in both regions – â€Å"Crimestoppers†. Two television adverts from each nation were selected; one set being more of a Lesson form of advertisement, and another being a more Drama style of advertisement. The targets for each of the respective Crimestoppers ads are aimed for the public of densely populated and urban areas – Toronto, Canada and London, England. To determine similarities the two commercials from each country analyze the verbal and visual elements displayed throughout the adverts. The verbal and visual elements examined and evaluated for their cultural similarities, through the criteria deriving from Hofstede, Dahl, de Mooij and Hall’s theories. The characteristics of Hofstede’s individualism cultural dimension and Hall’s (1990) concepts in the low-context culture supported by de Mooij (2003, 2010) and Dahl (2004) establish a better understanding of which characteristics are dominant in making United Kingdom and Canada culturally similar. The operationalizing of these concepts are by analyzing the four commercials – two ads for each respective country – where in the assessment criteria stems from the aforementioned theories of Hofstede, Hall and de Mooij. The four criteria of the individualism dimension used are: 1. Privacy 2. Individual initiative 3. Culpability 4. Independence With the remaining three precedents of the low-context category being: 1. Straightforward approach 2. Directives 3. Personal pronouns The operationalizing of these seven aspects is over each of the four commercials, formulating the criteria for assessing the Crimestoppers adverts’ visual and verbal elements in a ta ble form (see Table 1.1 Table 1.2, in Results). The table lists each of the criterions under the two categories – individualism and lowcontext – and uses a rating system and an example box as the columns to assess the measure for each Crimestoppers video. The rating system uses a scale from 1-5, 1 representing the lowest presence in ads and 5 representing the strongest presence. The example column is where quick examples and points of each of the aspects from the Crimestoppers commercial, to better support the rating. There are two tables each comparing one Canadian video to one UK video, to highlight which cultural criteria dominantly depicts similarity between the two nations. The four Crimestoppers adverts that are used are titled and followed by a brief description below: 1. (CAN) Toronto Crimestoppers – Anonymous i. The beginning depicts a man robbing a convenient store with a hooded sweater and a gun. He then holds up the clerk when he realizes that the clerk is wearing a ski mask. Upon panicking, he realizes the witness inside the store, the old lady at the door when trying to exit, the child in the house looking out the window and the family in the car driving by are all wearing skie  masks. This is then pursued by the text â€Å"You stay anonymous†¦criminals don’t† before the Crimestoppers logo appears. 2. (UK) Don’t let them get away with it – Drink driving i. A man facing addresses the audience about ever witnessing a drink driver and doing nothing about it. Scene changes to the man in the background of a bar witnessing another man chugging down beer while confessing that he has witnessed a man enjoying too many drinks. Then states â€Å"somebody should of stopped him from driving home†¦I could of, but didn’t†. This is followed by the man stating that is was now only a matter of time, as the drunk driver gets in his car and his the man talking. Then closing wrapping up the video with the text â€Å"Drink drivers†¦ don’t let them get away with it† and the Crimestoppers logo and ad sponsors. 3. (CAN) Call Taker Taking Anonymous Phone TIP – Toronto Crimestoppers i. The video begins immediately with the operator on the phone with an anonymous tipper. Ensures the individual that the call is completely anonymous and not recorded. She then proceeds to ask questions about the tip about bullying in school, such as location, who is involved, description, recent activities. Then closes with informing the caller that if the information does lead to any arrest or conviction, that they can be eligible for a reward for up to $2,000 and gives them information about a case number that they may call and  follow up on. 4. (UK) What happens when I call Crimestoppers? i. Opening text  with â€Å"Your say†. This is followed by character sketch of a person calling on the phone before opening the scene of the phone operator greeting the caller. The caller nervous about giving information and asking for confirmation of anonymity. The operator then ensures him of anonymity, no call recording. call display, no court appearance or statement and that all she need is the information. Caller says that he had seen who stabbed an individual but was still reluctant to give information. She consoles him and really lets him know that it is completely anonymous and that she is not the police. He then confides in her who the stabber was, then rushes off the phone. The queues the closing text â€Å"this could have be your call† and â€Å"all the information has now been passed on anonymously to the relevant police force†. The first two videos are the more Drama oriented adverts and the following two are more Lesson styled videos, informing and teaching the viewer of how the system work. The criteria for the analysis deduced from the concepts and theories of Hofstede, Hall (1990), De Mooij (2010) and Dahl (2004) can make the depiction the values of Hofstede’s IDV dimension are apparent in the individualism of United Kingdom and Canada alike. These theories will determine whether the evaluation implies a similar relation between the cultural   natures, depicted between the adverts of the two nations’ Crimestoppers programs. As a result, the findings from the concepts will prove or disprove Expectation 1 (see Figure 1- Conceptual Framework). Consequently revealing the ability of the results to determine the validity of Expectation 2 (see Figure 1). Results The analysis of all four videos over the seven concepts of the Individualism and Lowcontext factors, proved to be successful. What was beneficial from the data analysis is that it did produce an insight to the dominant characteristics that both United Kingdom and Canada similarly portrayed in their respective Crimestoppers commercials. The four adverts are identifiable in de Mooij’s basic advertising forms as the first two commercials were Drama forms of advertising, as the both boasted interplay  between two characters to create a story in representation of the Crimestoppers program. The prominent aspects of the individualism and low-context cultures properly reflect Hofstede’s high individualistic ranking of Canada and the UK. As depicted in the analysis results from Table 1.1 and 1.2 (see below,) the prominent aspects unearthed were the Culpability and Privacy cultural aspect of an individualistic cultures, as well as through the Straightforward approach as sociated with the low-context culture. The Culpability aspect was found to be a dominant criterion of individualism across all four of the videos with a total rating of 8 for both Canada and United Kingdom. In the â€Å"Toronto Crimestoppers – Anonymous† video analyzed in Table 1.1, it was portrayed that all potential witnesses were wearing ski masks and that they ranged from very young to the elderly. This implied the ease and lack of risk for yourself in simply reporting what information you could. In the â€Å"Don’t let them get away with it – Drink driving† commercial, guilty conscious was created in their efforts to describe just how little effort you had to put into a prevention measure. Also, that in doing something, one could prevent someone from losing their life, as the speaker in the video could of prevented his own death by simply giving Crimestoppers a call. Moreover, in the third video â€Å"Call Taker Taking Anonymous Phone TIP – Toronto Crimestoppers†, analyzed in Table 1.2, it is severely emphasized by the call operator that there is no association, no having to go to court or give a statement, tied into your efforts. Finally, in the last advert, â€Å"What happens when I call Crimestoppers?† You hear the conversation between the call operator and a paranoid youth, who reluctant at first and still feeling at risk still provided information of a stabbing. The Straightforwardness has been found to be the leading feat of low-context criteria across the four Crimestoppers adverts with ratings of 8 for United Kingdom and Canada alike. The blunt approach is displayed in the 1st commercial as an armed suspect instantly enters the scene, yet throughout the whole commercial all witnesses are so evidently portrayed as hidden, protected, and anonymous should they wish to share any information. In the 2nd Crimestoppers advertisement the audience is instantly engaged in a â€Å"Have you allowed this happen?† scenario created with the speaker questioning the  viewer if they acted as he did which ultimately lead to his death. The 3rd and 4th ad, while being from Canada and UK respectively, both have the same depiction of the straightforward approach as in the first words involve â€Å"Crimestoppers† and they go on to highlight the significance of anonymity, low risk and ease for the information to be provided. Table 1.1 shows that the Privacy feat received low ratings out of the first two Crimestoppers advertisements yet they received a 5 in the rating each make the total for both nations a rating of 6. As the second two commercials were Lesson forms of advertisements, particularly of the sub-category of Demonstration as both commercials had â€Å"a presenter demonstrate how the product works† de Mooij (2010). Over this set I found the Privacy feature to be a distinguishable characteristic of individualism, as both Crimestoppers commercials depicted strong symbols of privacy with the emphasis on one’s personal space is not compromised, and in no way threatened. Table 1.2 states evidence observed in 3rd and 4th adverts of the operators giving such statements as â€Å"We are not recording anything†, â€Å"don’t need any information about you† and â€Å"won’t even tell the police it was a man or woman who called†. Below are the results from the analysis of the four Crimestoppers adverts for encouragement of participation programs. Table 1.1 – (1 Lowest presence – 5 Strong presence) Canadian Crimestoppers #1 Toronto Crimestoppers – Anonymous Rating (1-5) Individualistic Features Privacy 1 No depiction of individualistic privacy 1 The aspect of not having to come to a station, or have to have authorities entering.

Thursday, September 5, 2019

Victorian Decade of Crisis: An Overview

Victorian Decade of Crisis: An Overview Why have the 1880s been viewed by historians as a decade of crisis for London? Great city of the midnight sun, Whose day begins when day is done.[1] The late Victorian era was a time of many developments, and much progress. After a number of short trade depressions in the early years of Queen Victoria’s reign, the situation stabilised and then increased from the mid-1840s. This was largely due to the massive spread of railways at the time. This period of increasing industry was complemented by the so-called ‘Golden Age’ of High Farming; when agriculture enjoyed similar successes, despite the repeal of the corn laws in 1846. This Golden Age was followed, however, by a period of prolonged depression which spanned over twenty years from the early 1870s until the mid 1890s. It was only in 1914, with the outbreak of the Great War, that the relative decline of Britain as an industrial power became apparent. Why were the 1880s such years of crisis, and what was the extent of this crisis? Although the decade falls in what is usually described as the Great Depression, export and production figures for the period suggest the industrial situation was not as bad as some believe. The steel industry continued to expand, as did the coal and cotton textiles industries. The amount of cotton cloth exported was 3573 million yards between 1870-79, while between 1880-89, this figure increased 4675 million yards.[2] As Burnett states, â€Å"by the decade of the 1880s, it was clear that the growth both of the cotton and woollen industries had fallen off sharply†¦Ã¢â‚¬ [3] There were, however, other aspects of the period which warranted the description more. Prices were falling, for example, which meant the value of exports was reduced, thereby reducing profits. Unemployment in the decade averaged 5.4% compared to 4.6% in the twenty years before 1874. In 1886, the figure rose for that year to 10%.[4] The cause of the depression has been attributed to the reduction in railway building which started. In each five year period between 1845 and 1870, an average of 2000 miles of new track were laid, while between 1885 and 1900, this figure fell to 750 miles.[5] This affected one of the major growth industries of the earlier period; the steel industry, as demand fell. It was also during this period that the competition from other countries began to be noticed. This came most acutely from Germany and the USA. German coal production rose from 34 million tons in 1870 to 59 million tons in 1880, while US coal production rose to 64.9 million tons in the same period. While British production was still ahead at 149 million tons, competition was growing. The case was similar in pig-iron and steel production.[6] In the US, machines such as the typewriter and the sewing machine were being developed. Having been the first nation to industrialise, much of the machinery and equipment used in British industry was becoming outdated and surpassed by technology which the newly industrialising nations were utilising. It was in this period, and during the 1880s in particular, that the extent of this relative decline began to be noticed, and this was a major contributory factor to the decade being seen more generally as one of crisis. As Harris points out, â€Å"one of the striking facts that emerges from the Census of 1871 is that, a hundred years after the onset of the Industrial Revolution, the topography of Britain was still in many ways that of a predominantly rural country.†[7] Britain, as well as falling behind in technological developments, was being pushed out of her traditional markets by these newly industrialising nations. The US could increasingly meet her own needs, while the European markets were being flooded with cheaper, often better quality goods from other countries. Belgium, for example, developed cheaper, better quality methods of glass production, while the Germans were able to introduce Siemens furnaces for steel production. While these other nations increasingly introduced tariff systems to protect their domestic markets, this was anathema to the British laissez faire approach. Consequently, the British markets remained unprotected and were flooded with imported goods. Another industrial problem in Britain during the period was the failure of British management systems. These, too, were becoming outdated and surpassed by competitors’ newly-developed systems. Often based around the family firm, management positions were often filled by familial connection rather than ability. Coupled with this was the lack of investment in new machinery and industrial apparatus which in turn contributed to the lack of competitiveness in British industry generally. There was a general lack of initiative and failure to get involved in the newly developing industries such as the petro-chemical and electrical engineering industries, which would soon come to dominate industry. During the 1880s, imports of wheat and flour into the United Kingdom increased to 70,282 thousand cwt from just 50,406 thousand cwt the previous decade.[8] These imports often came from the US, where the vast prairies were developed by trans-continental railway. The imports were helped by the development of large merchant steamships. The cost of imports fell dramatically, making it much more viable to import larger quantities of foodstuffs. The average annual wheat price fell from 47.67 shillings per quarter between 1875-9 to just 31.58 shillings per quarter in 1885-9.[9] An important development in the 1880s was the introduction of the refrigeration ship, which enabled meat products to be imported from countries such as Australia, New Zealand and Argentina.[10] Despite this gloomy economic and industrial situation which was afflicting the country generally, London itself was not amongst the worst hit area. The flux of imports affected the agricultural sector, not many of whom were to be found in the metropolis; particularly those who relied on wheat and cereal growing. Again, the refusal of the government to introduce a tariff system to protect the domestic market did nothing to help the situation. A benefit of the depression, particularly for those not dependent on agriculture, was that it meant food was cheaper. This in turn meant that those who were employed actually enjoyed a higher standard of living. In 1888, the Conservative government set up the London County Council. This was a response to the political activism of the great reformers of the decade, but it marked a positive step in the battle against poverty and want. It involved direct election of 118 councillors, which allowed public opinion to have a say. Although struggles for power even within this new body continued, it moved the battle to political ground. This development was complemented in the 1880s by the growth and development of more organised trades unions in London. This attempt to organise labour often involved the transport workers, and therefore focused on London. While this was undoubtedly a positive development, giving many workers, for the first time, an authoritative voice bout their conditions, it can be said that this led to increased struggle and clashing between workers and employers, which contributed to the idea of the city being in crisis. The most spectacular manifestation of this was the riots in Trafalgar Square in 1886 and 1887, which although they involved the unemployed rather than unionised workers, highlighted the animosity felt towards the privileged and propertied people of London. This culminated in ‘Bloody Sunday’ on 13 November 1887. Mackail described the events. â€Å"No one who ever saw it will ever forget the strange and indeed terrible sight of that grey winter day, the vast sombre-coloured crowd, the brief but fiery struggle at the corner of the Strand, and the river of steel and scarlet that moved slowly through the dusky swaying masses when two squadrons of the Life Guards were summoned up from Whitehall.†[11] Another positive development for London during the period, which counters the impression of London as a city in crisis during this period, was the effect on the great city of the railways and steamships. Having already assisted the growth and development of the empire, by the 1880s, they had considerably magnified the importance of London itself. As well as being a great international seaport, the increasing rail network focused on London also. In 1880, the total value of London’s trade was greater than that of its nearest rival, Liverpool.[12] London also became a symbol of free trade, as it was the centre of the great importing warehouses. This, of course, was not as positive as it may have seemed, given the negative effects on the rest of the country of the massive growth in imports during the period. The flip-side of these developments in transport was the social cost. People often had to be turned out of their homes in order to build the new terminals. Industrial conditio ns amongst the workers were less than adequate also. This was most marked in 1889, the year of the great dock strike at the London docks, as the workers struggled to achieve the ‘dockers’ tanner’. This event can be seen to encapsulate much of the perception about the decade as a whole; one of struggle and conflict between workers and their managers. Urbanisation was a major factor during the period. Much of this was concentrated in London and Middlesex (as well as Lancashire, Durham, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, west-central and parts of south Wales). Increasing ground rents in the period were beginning to drive many of the middle and upper classes to the city limits. The term ‘Greater London’ was used for the first time in the 1881 Census; an area that was growing the most rapidly.[13] During the 1870s, rural population experienced an absolute decline for the first time since records began while urban population increased by 75% in some cases. In response to this there was a building boom in London during the 1880s. By the middle of the next decade, in London and Middlesex, nearly half of the population had been born elsewhere.[14] While this massive urban growth was positive for the city in many ways, it also meant more crowding, insufficient housing, increasing rents and costs and the dangers of disease that acco mpany such conditions. Harris discusses the fall in fertility during the 1880s. Commentators at the time put it down to the strain of urban living and the modern education system â€Å"eroding human procreative powers†.[15] This fall in the birth rate concerned many contemporaries at the time, and it has been debated at length by historians ever since. It is interesting that it coincided with the Great Depression, and another, later drop coincided with a fall in real wages in 1900. This general atmosphere of depression, economic an social, was perhaps at its most acute during the 1880s, and although it actually spanned over twenty years, it is this decade in particular that is remembered as a decade of crisis. During the 1880s, Charles Booth began his great survey of the London poor entitled London Life and Labour. this would become an important work in drawing attention to the want of the working class in the capital. It marked a realisation, or appreciation, of what was becoming a serious problem of poverty and low living. In one passage, he describes the typical working woman (who was often only partly-employed) as â€Å"generally elderly, infirm, penniless and a widow †¦ she is nervous and timid, and takes work at whatever price it may be offered to her.†[16] A major reason why the decade is seen as one of crisis, then, is that it was one of the earliest times that the poverty and dire situation of the working classes in London was forced to the attention of the wider public. Poverty was the â€Å"biggest single fact of contemporary existence.†[17] Poverty, poor sanitation and over-crowding were nothing new to the 1880s, but with Booth’s work, and the later wo rk of Rowntree, the situation was increasingly recognised. Booth’s work was followed quickly by other similar studies such as Andrew Mearn’s The Bitter Cry of Outcast London (1883) and General Booth’s In Darkest England and the Way Out (1890). In 1887, Henry Hyndman published a pamphlet entitled A Commune for Socialism which was a plea for municipal socialism. This was a cry that was increasingly being taken up, as the importance of local government as a means of social reform was being recognised. Joseph Chamberlain was one of the members of the government of the day to realise this importance, and indeed introduce it into the national debate. He spoke about this in 1885. â€Å"Local government is near the people. Local government will bring you into contact with the masses. By its means you will be able to increase their comforts, to secure their health, to multiply the luxuries which they may enjoy †¦ to lessen the inequalities of our social system, and the raise the standard of all classes in the community.†[18] It was, then, increasingly brought into the national debate, and this bears large responsibility for the impression of the 1880s being a decade of crisis. This was, however, a positive step, as it l ed to increased activism and political developments favouring the working classes. In Victorian Cities, Briggs describes London as ‘the World City’. This captures how London was seen, both domestically and abroad, throughout much of the Victorian era. By the closing decades of the nineteenth century, then, why was the greatest city in the world experiencing a crisis? During the 1880s, the Quarterly Review described the â€Å"complete separation of the residences of the different classes of the community.†[19] This was referring to the contrast between the East End and the West End of London, and the effective segregation of the population of London into rich areas and poor areas. It has been said that the residents of each respective part of London knew and cared little about the other area. In another work important in stimulating the better-off into action called Tales of Mean Streets Arthur Morrison asked â€Å"who knows the East End?† The description that followed in answer reflected the common perception of the situation in the East End: â€Å"an evil plexus of slums that hide human creeping things; where filthy men and women live on penn’orths of gin, where collars and clean shirts are decencies unknown, where every citizen wears a black eye, and none combs his hair.†[20] The situation in London, then, was not homogenous throughout the great city. There were pockets of serious depravity, while other areas enjoyed great wealth and luxury. It was this juxtaposition of the East End with the bright lights of the West End that highlighted the dire situation in the East End, and did more than anything to contribute to the impression of London as a city in crisis during the 1880s. The stark difference was that although poverty was present in parts of the West End, for example around Belgrave Square, it was largely hidden from view, while in the East End it was clearly visible for those who cared to see it. During the 1880s, however, as London was increasingly being seen as a world city, as the capital of the greatest empire in the world, it was the ostentatious and dazzling aspect of the city’s situation which was emphasised. Here, then, is an interesting paradox. Although the 1880s saw some of the early social commentators and reformers recognise and draw attention to the ills of the poorer classes in London (as well as other industrial cities of England), to many London remained one of the greatest cities in the world. In 1883, for example, an Australian writer described London in New York’s Century Magazine. â€Å"We may talk of our Western empire and our admirable ports, of our growth and our growing wealth; but here is, and will remain for generations, the centre of the commercial and political world, the focus of intellectual activity and the mint of thought.†[21] The 1880s were a decade of great struggle in London. There was much poverty and want, with disease rife, and sanitation poor. The dire situation did not affect the whole of the city, however, and it was the wealth and opulence of the West End which highlighted how bad the situation elsewhere had become. It was also a decade of increasing social comment and investigation. The middle classes were, for the first time, taking an interest in their less fortunate neighbours. The decade was not the first in which London was in crisis; it was simply one of the earliest that the situation was recognised. BIBLIOGRAPHY Baycroft, T., Nationalism in Europe 1789 1945 (Cambridge, 1998) Briggs, A., Victorian Cities (London, 1968) Burnett, J., Useful Toil (London and New York, 1994) English, R., Kenny, M. (Eds), Rethinking British Decline (New York, 2000) Feldman, D., Englishmen and Jews (New Haven and London, 1994) Fraser, H., ‘Municipal Socialism and Social Policy’, in Morris, R.J., and Rodger, R. (Eds), The Victorian City (London and New York 1993) Harris, J., Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870 1914 (Oxford, 1993) Lowe, N., Mastering Modern British History (London, 1998) Mathias, P., The First Industrial Nation (London, 1969) Morris, R.J., Rodger, R. (Eds), The Victorian City (London and New York, 1993) Pugh, M., State and Society (2nd edition) (London, 1999) Taylor, A.J.P., The Struggle for Mastery in Europe (Oxford, 1971) Footnotes [1] Richard le Gallienne (1895), quoted in Briggs, A., Victorian Cities (London, 1968), p311 [2] Mathias, P., The First Industrial Nation (London, 1969), p468 [3] Burnett, J., Useful Toil (London and New York, 1994), p15 [4] Lowe, N., Mastering Modern British History (London, 1998), p216 [5] Ibid, p216 [6] Taylor, A.J.P., The Struggle for Mastery in Europe (Oxford, 1971), ppxxix xxx [7] Harris, J., Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870 1914 (Oxford, 1993), p41 [8] Mathias, pp472-5 [9] Ibid [10] Lowe, p221 [11] Quoted in Briggs, p329 [12] Briggs, p318 [13] Ibid, p312 [14] Harris, pp41 44 [15] Ibid, p47 [16] Quoted in Burnett, p35 [17] Briggs, p313 [18] Quoted in Fraser, H., ‘Municipal Socialism and Social Policy’, in Morris, R.J., and Rodger, R. (Eds), The Victorian City (London and New York 1993), p263 [19] Quoted in Briggs, p314 [20] Quoted ibid, p315 [21] Hogan, J.F., Century Magazine (1883), quoted in Briggs, p317

Wednesday, September 4, 2019

Computer Viruses :: essays research papers

A computer virus is a relatively small program that attaches itself to data and program files before it delivers its malicious act. There are many distinct types of viruses and each one has a unique characteristic. Viruses are broken up into to main classes, file infectors and system or boot-record infectors. A file infector attaches to ordinary programs usually affecting .COM and .EXE files. These two files are subject to infection though some can infect any program from which execution is requested. On the other spectrum, system or boot-record infectors infect executable codes found in certain system areas on a disk, which are not ordinary files. Not only are there two main classes of viruses, but there are also many different types. A virus can be classified as a boot sector virus, a program virus, a trojan horse virus, a macro virus, a memory resident virus, a stealth virus, or a polymorphic virus. A boot sector virus replaces the startup code on a disk with a modified version, which is loaded into the memory when the computer is started. Program viruses attach to legitimate program files. After attachment the program file will then intercept the program’s execution and take control of the computer system. Trojan horse viruses are also legitimate programs that are advertised as something desirable, but are actually something that is undesirable. It performs an unauthorized destructive act on your computer when executed. They received their name from the mythical Trojan Horse that was delivered to the gates of the city Troy. Macro viruses are written in macro language of specific computer programs, such as Word or Excel. These viruses infect files when a program document is accessed, or triggered by user actions, such as certain keystrokes or menu choices. Memory resident viruses hide in memory and are difficult to detect. When the virus is in memory it will infect any uninfected file that is executed. A stealth virus hides their presence. They can infect a program by adding bytes to the infected file. It then subtracts the directory entry of the infected file by the same number of bytes. This gives the impression that the file’s size has not changed, therefore, antiviral programs can not detect them through these changes. Polymorphic viruses modify their appearance and scramble their code periodically. This allows them to replicate so that none of its copies are the same. These viruses also all have different characteristics.

Tuesday, September 3, 2019

How Video Games Help Society Essay -- Technology, Video games

â€Å"Lets play a money making game!† -The Legend of Zelda. Video Games are revolutionizing society. They have changed for the better, transitioning from mindless wastes of time, to useful tools of learning, video games are revolutionizing, and are becoming smarter, more complex, and healthier. Video games are not just simple, mindless forms of entertainment anymore; they can now teach, inspire, and provide the player with life skills, or the knowledge needed to start a successful career. Many games companies like Electronic Arts (EA) are changing the content of their games. The successful game franchise by EA, â€Å"The Sims† has developed games like â€Å"The Sims 2: Open for Business.† The focus of this game is to start a small business in a virtual world, and virtually run it. Video games have now even become a course in college. "Now games are a legitimate academic subject, with many university courses around the world offering degrees in video game design and development. And many game designers and researchers are seeing how games influence cognitive and other skills (par 2)." Students now have the option of exploring a career in gaming, which is very profitable in todays market. James Paul Gee, a video game programmer for Nintendo, explains what goes t hrough the mind of someone playing "Pikmin." " As Gee writes, the game requires a great deal of focus, critical thinking, multitasking, and problem solving to succeed. Players must manage teams of characters, assign them tasks appropriate to their behavior patterns, guide them to work together smoothly, and strategist how to optimize resources such as virtual food. Yet, even a 6-year-old can play it. Imagine, teaching a first-grader pretty complex, real-time, problem-laden resource manage... ...to "IEWTPT Tactical Questioning." (par. 6)"These repurposed video games can potentially save lives. The air force has been using video games to train pilots for a few years now. "A military or commercial flight simulator need not have perfect visual detail, but it had better mimic the behavior of the real vehicle, Haseltine says, "because lives are at stake." (par. 13)" Instead of letting a beginning pilot get in a $13,000,000 plane and waching him crash it, they can now get in a fake one and safely cruse around in a virtual world. The Military is using video games to save lives and train their recruits. Although parents may not view games as a tool like a book, they are slowly Changing and will soon be reputable sources of knowledge, and will most defiantly benefit society. So †Pick A Box, its contents will help you on your way.†-Toad, Super Mario Bros. 3.

Monday, September 2, 2019

My Revenge :: essays research papers

It was a beautiful sunny day at the beach and everyone was having fun, a lot of kids were swimming others were making sand castles and others were sunbaking. But suddenly everyone else didn’t matter, the only thing that mattered was the model that was having pictures of herself taken to be put on the front cover of a fashion magazine. I was amazed by her beauty so I thought I would go and have a little chat with her, you know get to know her better. By the way my name is Eric and I work part time as a lifeguard in the summer. My real job is martial arts teacher but I love swimming so I got my lifeguard degree and I started working part time at the beach in the summer holidays. As I was approaching her I saw another guy walk toward her and started talking to her I thought I was too late but then I saw that the girl was trying to get away from him but he wouldn’t leave her alone. I walked over there and I asked if there was a problem and the guy said no but she said that the Josh (guy’s name) was hassling her and that she told him to leave but he wouldn’t listen to her. And I asked if she wanted me to kick him out and she said she wouldn’t want me to get hurt (how sweet). I told her that he wouldn’t be able to hurt me and said I could try. As I approached Josh I saw that he was quite taller than me and that was nicely build. When I was near him he said â€Å"did the bitch call you and told you to make me leave?† And I said that I didn’t want any troublemakers on the beach and I told him to leave. He said he wouldn’t leave and he tried to punch me, but I was expecting that so I blocked and I dropped him. He got up and came charging at me but I moved and I kicked him so hard on the shin that he did a flip in the air and then fell. When he got up I told him to leave but instead he punched me in the stomach and then kicked my testicles. When I got up I was so pissed that even the crowd that had crowded on top of me made way.

Sunday, September 1, 2019

The Importance Of A Safe And Healthy School Education Essay

For more than twenty old ages, research workers and pedagogues have indicated the importance of a safe and healthy school environment in furthering academic accomplishment ( Luiselli, Putnam, Handler, & A ; Feinberg, 2005 ; Hymel, Schonert-Reichl, & A ; Miller, 2006 ) . Schools are the most important socialisation force next to the household and it is in school where kids form relationships which influence societal and academic results ( Wentzel & A ; Looney, 2007 ) . It has been suggested in assorted surveies that a supportive and caring school environment optimizes the academic results of pupils ( Nakamoto, 2008 ; Beran, 2003 ) . Caring and supportive school environments can merely happen when the socialisation experiences and relationships of pupils feature credence, tolerance, and regard from both instructors and co-students. To kids, friendly relationships are considered a important facet of development. As they mature and develop, kids are encouraged and expected to hold friends to give them a sense of credence and belonging. Without these equal dealingss, kids become vulnerable to adjustment troubles which can ensue to low self-esteem, anxiousness, solitariness, and depression. Unfortunately, non all kids are able to hold healthy equal dealingss in the class of their academic experience. The absence of equal dealingss or holding debatable equal dealingss makes kids susceptible to victimization. Children who are frequently bullied in school are those who have few friends. They are prone to Acts of the Apostless of bullying or aggression from their equals. The deficiency of equal support and a safe school environment consequences to depression, anxiousness, and in utmost instances, self-destruction ( Rigby, 2000 ) . Bullying as a serious national issue emerged after the Columbine shots in 1999. Since so, strong-arming has become a critical populace policy issue and to day of the month, 43 provinces have adopted antibullying Torahs to protect and safeguard the rights of kids from aggressive and violent Acts of the Apostless of their equals ( Anti-Defamation League [ ADL ] , 2010 ) . In the yesteryear, the job of intimidation was an unfastened secret that was seldom discussed, much less addressed by school functionaries and the community. Educators and parents by and large regarded it as a â€Å" rite of transition † which kids necessarily undergo as portion of the socialisation procedure. Public functionaries and school governments have lobbied for steps to advance safe and healthy school environments and there have been consequences from some intercessions to cut down intimidation. However, strong-arming remains a outstanding issue until today. Recently, the instance of the college freshe r Tyler Clementi who was cyberbullied until he jumped off the George Washington Bridge and high school pupil Phoebe Prince who committed self-destruction after being infinitely bullied by her equals in a Massachusetts public school has confirmed that the battle to set an terminal to victimization in schools has a long manner to travel. Bullying is a chronic job in American schools. Nine out of 10 simple pupils have been bullied by their equals, harmonizing to a simple questionnaire developed by research workers at Lucile Packard Children ‘s Hospital ( 2007 ) and the Stanford University School of Medicine ( Medical News Today, 2007 ) . In the last 15 old ages, much attending has been placed on the issue of strong-arming in schools both in the United States and in other parts of the universe. States like Norway, Sweden, Japan, and Australia have been at the centre of attending on issues related to strong-arming ( Green, 2007 ) . In the United States, many believe that intimidation is nil more than a childhood rite. School intimidation is now accepted as a type of ill will that can hold durable mental effects for pupils that are both victims and culprits ( Green, 2007 ) . Clearly, school intimidation has become a prevailing quandary that interrupts the societal dealingss between pupils, detracts from the positiv e quality of schoolroom experiences, and hinders pupils ‘ chances to larn. Bullying is a menace non merely to a safe and healthy school environment but to kids ‘s academic results every bit good. Ideally, schools provide a wider societal context for kids to develop from their early socialisation experiences within the place. As a effect, kids ‘s societal and emotional experience influences their cognitive development. Furthermore, schools allow pupils to see and larn new things which are critical to their rational development. If the school does non supply such an environment, kids may see societal and rational troubles ( Eccles et al. , 1999 ) . What raises serious concern among the educational community is the determination that intimidation may hold a negative influence in academic accomplishment of pupils. Ecological theoretical accounts of school accomplishment suggest that school results of kids are influenced by the quality of interactions they have with equals, parents, instructors, and other persons ( Broussard & A ; Garrison, 2004 ) . Hence, the chronic job of intimidation may discourage kids from experience their full rational development. Childs who are often victimized by their equals whether physically, verbally, or psychologically may endure from larning disengagement low anticipation of success, and accordingly, execute ill on school assignment and accomplishment trials. Particularly relevant to the present survey is research showing important links between school intimidation and academic public presentation ( e.g. , Buhs, Ladd, & A ; Herald, 2006 ; Juvonen, Nishina, & A ; Graham, 2000 ; Schwartz, Farver, Chang, & A ; Lee-Shin, 2002 ) . Students who are victimized by equals are likely to show hapless academic public presentation ( Buhs et al. , 2006 ; Juvonen et al. , 2000 ; Konishi & A ; Li, 2006 ; Nishina, Juvonen, & A ; Witkow, 2005 ; Schwartz et al. , 2002 ; Schwartz, Gorman, Nakamoto, & A ; Toblin, 2005 ) , as are kids who bully others ( Pereira, Mendonca, Neto, Valente, & A ; Smith, 2004 ) , consistent with statements that childrenaˆYs societal experiences at school impact their academic public presentation ( see Hymel et al. , 2006 ; Weissberg & A ; Durlak, 2005 ) . Not all surveies have demonstrated such associations, nevertheless. Hanish and Guerra ( 2002 ) failed to happen a relationship between equal victimization and accomplishment a nd Woods and Wolke ( 2004 ) found that accomplishment was significantly linked to relational but non direct signifiers of victimization. Since the 1970s, the public schools in America have been placed under the microscope and answerability in all countries has been demanded. Parents are familiar with issues of proving and installation safety, but an extra country that has been brought to the head of the state ‘s attending is that of pupil safety. One specific country of important concern has been the issue of strong-arming and the deductions that student behavior can hold on the safety and security of all pupils. Teachers understand the degrees of influence and acknowledge the power of the household, the community, and the popular civilization to act upon behaviour. What they frequently do non understand is the extent or bound of their domain of influence. When instructors are asked to place hazard factors for the development of intimidation, they by and large rank the household and cultural factors such as telecasting movies, and pop music as holding the strongest impact on kids ‘s development of strong-a rming behaviours. When instructors are asked to bespeak which factors they can act upon, they recognize for the most portion, that their influence is limited to the schoolroom and school environment. Teachers are encouraged to concentrate their energy and resources on altering the countries within their domain of influence, that is, the schoolroom and the school. A figure of factors have been identified as lending to pupils sense of safety and belonging at school, but less research has examined the grade to which these factors really impact school public presentation. The present survey examined the function of two school clime factors in footings of their consequence on pupil accomplishment in math and reading. Although enlightening, these surveies focus merely on the person or pupil degree, non taking into history the school degree bunch of pupils. There is a famine of research sing the impact of strong-arming at the school degree in relation to academic public presentation. At the school degree, both strong-arming and teacher-student dealingss are, in kernel, facets of school clime that reflect an overall degree of tolerance for negative interpersonal interactions. As such, both represent school-level factors that can impact academic public presentation. To our cognition, there are no empirical surveies analyzing relationships between school clime, as reflected in reported intimidation and teacher-student dealingss, and single studentsaˆY accomplishment. Consequently, in the present survey, we assessed the linkage between academic accomplishment and intimidation at the school degree utilizing a multilevel analysis technique that allowed us to besides see the possible buffering consequ ence of positive teacher-student dealingss. Specifically, the present survey addressed: ( a ) whether studentsaˆY academic public presentation is related to the schoolaˆYs strong-arming clime ( e.g. , Do pupils in schools that have a batch of strong-arming demonstrate poorer academic public presentation? ) , and ( B ) whether student-teacher connection influences the bullying-achievement relationship ( e.g. , Do pupils who enjoy positive connection with instructors show positive academic accomplishment despite high degrees of strong-arming in their schools? ) . Sexual activity differences were besides explored.Statement of the ProblemThe job of intimidation has existed since the beginning of clip. The issue of pupil safety in schools as it relates to school-yard intimidation, nevertheless, was brought to the head of the American populace with the calamities at Columbine, Jonesboro, Conyers, and Paducah. The job continues and has been aggravated by the coming of the cyber strong-arming possible. Young people ‘s li ves have been impacted for their full hereafter by apparently mindless childhood Acts of the Apostless. Small research exists today on the perceptual experience of public school decision makers in Missouri with respect to strong-arming being a job in their school. In order to turn to the job of the school-yard bully, we must foremost analyze the attitudes and head sets of the work forces and adult females in charge of educating and protecting our immature people during the school twenty-four hours. Before realistic stairss can be taken by decision makers in battling school toughs, one must first understand and acknowledge that intimidation is a job. Research reveals that there are so physical, psychological, and emotional jobs exhibited by the victims of strong-arming while go toing school, but old research has made a weak effort to decently link the emotions of the victims with the ability to larn while at school. ( Kumpulainen, K. , & A ; Rasanen, E. , 2000 ) Although intimidation is an age old job in America, gender besides plays a major function in the types and features of strong-arming at school ( Crick & A ; Grotpeter, 1995 ) . Female and male striplings have a inclination to move and respond otherwise under the force per unit area of a school bully. Traditional signifiers of intimidation still take topographic point throughout schoolrooms and play evidences of American public schools, but in today ‘s universe we are now threatened with an even more powerful and perchance more psychologically detrimental signifier of intimidation, which is normally referred to as â€Å" cyber intimidation † .Purpose of the StudyThis qualitative instance survey research is an scrutiny of the perceptual experiences of school staff on intimidation and its impact on academic accomplishment. The participants of this survey will include 10 simple class instructors and 5 counsel counsellors of schools belonging to the South Georgia School District. Participants wi ll be chosen through random sampling. Informant interviews will be the primary informations assemblage method to be triangulated with secondary informations beginnings such as school records, studies, accomplishment trials, and other pertinent paperss which may be used to verify and supplement the literature reappraisal for a more thorough treatment of the findings. Data will be analyzed through the qualitative content analysis method.Research QuestionsThe cardinal inquiry addressed in this survey is: How does the school staff perceive intimidation and its relationship with academic accomplishment in simple class pupils? The undermentioned research inquiries guide this thesis: Q1. How do instructors and school psychologists of a South Georgia School District define intimidation? Q2. From the point of position of school staff, what types of intimidation behaviours are prevailing in their several schools? Q3. How does strong-arming act upon the academic results of both bully and victim? Q4. What are their functions and competences in turn toing intimidation in the school environment? Q5. How can instructors and decision makers help turn to school intimidation?Restrictions and Boundary linesThis research narrowly evaluates the perceptual experiences of school staff from public simple schools within the South George School District. This research specifically addresses the factors that contribute to strong-arming inside the school premises, the type of strong-arming the instructors observed, and most significantly how intimidation affected the academic public presentation of the victims and culprits.Definition of Key FootingsSchool Achievement is a pupil ‘s comprehension of peculiar information and proficiency with specific accomplishments. Bully refers to person who uses physical or verbal aggression on something of a regular footing against other immature people. Normally, toughs are found to be stronger, bigger, and more aggressive than their equals and victims. Strong-arming refers to Acts of the Apostless which are comprised of direct behaviours such as tease, teasing, endangering, striking, and stealing that are initiated by one or more pupils against a victim. In add-on to direct onslaughts, intimidation may besides be more indirect by doing a pupil to be socially isolated through knowing exclusion. Victim of strong-arming are typically dying, insecure, cautious, and suffer from low self-pride, seldom supporting themselves or revenging when confronted by pupils who bully them. They may miss societal accomplishments and friends, and they are frequently socially isolated.VictimizationSchool StaffImportance of the StudyThe intent of this survey was to find if there was a perceptual experience that existed or did non be within the ranks of Missouri public school decision makers and pupils of Missouri public schools refering the country of strong-arming among adolescent-age kids. If is the survey revealed that strong-arming in fact existed in public schools in Missouri, what was the impact for the victims of such Acts of the Apostless on their academic accomplishment? If intimidation is determined as a job in schools, do male and female striplings prosecute in strong-arming every bit and by utilizing the same methods? Another cardinal constituent of this survey is to place what, if a ny, schools policies presently are in topographic point in public schools in Missouri and the possible demand to make and follow extra policies in order to protect the victims of strong-arming. Although this survey could be viewed as a qualitative survey, the research worker has chosen to analyse the informations and develop decisions based on the responses of perceptual experiences, academic accomplishment, and policies that are presently found in the questionnaires and studies. This was a descriptive research with the intent of puting a foundation for farther research in specific countries identified as holding possible important impact on pupil public presentation and educator-preparation plans. The end of the survey is to offer through empirical observation researched, educated suggestions and replies sing what and how to make and implement policies covering with all signifiers of intimidation. It is the purpose of the research worker that this information, one time analyzed and dissected, will be a meaningful tool to any school territory in the province of Missouri and around the United States in the country of school policies. It is the premiss of the research worker that this survey will cast new visible radiation on the issues of electronic devices, their usage at school, and the impact that those devices have on the acquisition procedure.

Saturday, August 31, 2019

American domestic life after World War II Essay

Assess some of the important changes to take place in American domestic life after World War II. This essay will deal with the following changes which took place in American domestic life after World War II; the growth in population and mobility, suburbanization, the consequences of suburbanization in the cities, the role of women in the post-war years and the status of African Americans. The Second World War brought suffering, destruction and devastation in Europe and to the rest of the world. Ironically, America, for her relatively less sacrifices, gained an unprecedented growth in the economy which manifested in booming industries in all spheres of America. In the first two decades after the war, America was transformed on such a scale that the rest of the economic powers could not match her in many decades to come. The American economy had grown during World War II, but it grew even stronger after the War. The American Gross National Product (GNP) increased from $200 billion in 1940 to $300 billion in 1950 but it reached$ 500 billion in 19601. The advances in technological development during the war have been transferred to manufacturing cars, televisions, washing machines, refrigerators, vacuum cleaners and several other domestic gadgets. As the economy was growing, so the wages increased which meant that new products were made and sold constantly. Television became a major part of America’s daily life, which not only provided the entertainment but it also exposed the people to advertisements and commercials. The unsuspecting public was buying all kind of devices available whether they were necessary or not. Advertising managers realised the power of commercials and huge financial gains therefore concentrated on improving their art of enticing the public. Computer technology had replaced the large and slow machines so the economy prospered rapidly. The result was the American middle class moved up the ladder and became upper middle class and some of the working class stepped up towards middle class. In contrast, African Americans and the poor white population stayed at the bottom of the pile and were not given the same opportunities to share the fruit of the prosperity. The birth-rate increased during the war but it peaked after the war. The population increased by 19 million in the 1940s, which was over twice the rise in the 1930s and later jumped up to 29 million in the 1950s. Although the rising birth rate was the main reason for the population growth, so the advancement in curing the illnesses meant that the death rate decreased. Therefore the average life expectancy for whites was 70 years and for blacks 642. As the population grew the people started moving towards the Pacific states more quickly than the other parts of America. The cities in Southwest grew more rapidly, for example Houston, Albuquerque, Tucson, and Phoenix. Los Angeles replaced Philadelphia as the third largest city, and California took over New York as America’s most populous state. In the 1950s the white middle class population moved out of crowded cities to the suburban areas. They moved to suburban areas to buy their own homes with gardens and garages. The building industry met the growing demand of new and better housing at faster rate than ever. The houses were built by developers such as William Levitt on a massive scale which were cheap, simple but comfortable. However, many American did not like the new housing developments and labelled them,’ugly boxes arranged in circles’ especially the architect profession. Architectural critic Lewis Mumford described such suburbs as: ‘a multitude of uniform, unidentifiable houses, lined up inflexibly, at uniform distances, on uniform roads, in treeless communal wasteland, inhabited by people of the same class, the same income, the same wage group’.3 The ownership of these houses was helped along through Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and Veterans Administration (VA) who provided the loans on easy terms. The other factor was the availability of cars; people no longer depended on public transport. Car production increased from 2 million in 1946 to 8 million in 1955. The government began to build the highways on a large scale and linked them with different parts of the country. In June 1956, Congress authorised $32 billion to build new highways. By creating 56,000 miles of highways, federal government helped industry and commerce to move outside the cities4. The justification was that it would not only make people’s journeys easier it would also make the evacuation quicker in the event of nuclear war. Whatever the motivation was businesses began to realise where their future lay, so they began to move their businesses to suburbs. New shopping centres were built all over the country with entertainment, leisure and sports facilities. As a result, employment was brought to the door step and so people no longer travelled to cities to spend their money. Instead people from cities came to suburban areas to spend their dollars. The black people, the other minorities, and the poor section of the white population shopped in their localities where quality was decreasing and prices were increasing. For these ever growing mobile customers the franchise system was established. The first franchise right was bought from a fast-food establishment by a young entrepreneur Ray Kroc, and then gradually the franchise system became a prominent pattern in the country. While the Levitt development was satisfying one section of the community, the rest of the building industry started to cater for a wider range of income groups. These housing developments included shopping centres, schools, and churches. The private builders were proving to be successful in providing housing for American’s suburban families. Soon, all over the country the pattern was repeated as moderate-income families settled for inexpensive prefabricated dwellings in the fringes of the cities. These were in part for the war veterans helped by FHA and VA, but these facilities were not available to black war veterans. The wealthier population chose architect-designed houses in suburbia. However, again this development was mainly for the white population and was not available to blacks. This meant that segregation and discrimination was systematically continued and deepened the division between two races. The white population was moving out of crowded cities to better housing and a cleaner environment, and blacks were moving into the cities where the living standard was low, but factory work and other manual jobs were available to them. The result was that as the white population declined in the cities the black population increased. Other minorities such as Hispanics and Native Americans did not share in the benefits of the American Dream and like black people were treated as second-class citizens. On the surface, cities were losing out to suburban areas as the races shifted. Indeed, some fundamental changes were taking place underneath; the American social fabric was changing with equal speed. The gap was not only widening between the living standards of white people, it was becoming more prominent between cultures but it was ignored in the daze of prosperity. The building industry was helped by several Congressional laws to build the new houses in suburban areas. By 1972 some 11 million families owned their own houses with the help of the FHA. 22 million people had improved their properties with the aid of the VA in owner-occupied units. Some people were paying fewer for their mortgages on their new houses than they would have paid in rent for their rooms in the city. The FHA reinforced the racial segregation policy by refusing to assist the racially mixed cities to build new houses or improve the old ones. According to an administrator, ‘[it is] a conservative business operation rather than a programme of providing housing for all social groups on an equal bases’5. Consequently, the black population was not only deprived from better housing they were losing out from all the other facilities; good healthcare, recreational facilities, and better shopping facilities. The impact of the firms and white population moving out from the cities to suburban areas was that jobs and tax revenue were no longer available to improve the urban areas. In addition, the older and larger manufacturing firms were making losses and declining while tailor-made factories in suburban areas were growing and extending and creating new jobs. The blacks were expecting that their sacrifices during the war would be recognised and acknowledged by sharing in the economic boom, but instead they were overlooked once again. After the war women were expected to return to their traditional roles, whereas during the war they took over the jobs of servicemen and adjusted to their new roles comfortably. However, on their return from the War, men were given their jobs back and the women reluctantly retreated to their homes. Some women carried on working and others got married, stayed at home and looked after their children. Although women adjusted to their shifting roles, doubts and questions were beginning to surface. Women were again pulled back into the job market during the Korean and Vietnam wars. The labour saving devices in the home gave women freedom to work outside the home. Women also found it necessary to work in order to secure their newly defined identity. The number of working women doubled between 1940 and 1960. Prior to the Second World War, the majority of employed married woman came from a lower income family, but in the post-war women from middle class joined in as the first group tailored off. During the 1950s and 1960s, the women contributed 15 to 25 percent to their household income6. Women increased their white-collar jobs at a faster rate than men during the 1970s, but by the end of the decade they were still at the bottom of wage scale. It is a fact that after World War II, in the first two decades the United States economy grew at such a scale that it has changed American society and its standing in the world as a superpower. The wealth generated in those post-war years had been used in the development of the country’s infrastructure. The advances in living standards, schools, research, training for engineers and scientists and improved farming techniques as well as the network of highways meant that America was transformed. The technological advances were not limited to provide consumer goods; they also made the American military machine the most advanced force in the world. America won the space race, but it failed to include its black race in their astronomical and earthly achievements. However, the scale of its economic and technological achievements was matched by the disruption in the social fabric of the nation as its inequalities and injustices were magnified. The implications of the divisions created by this skewed economic growth will have its effects in the centuries to come, in racial tension, in domestic crime and social trends, and internationally as American culture is adopted as an aspiration for a globalise and consumer-centric world. Bibliography Books Chafe, W.H. The Unfinished Journey: America since World War II. Fourth Edition (Oxford University Press 1999). Issel, W. The Contemporary United States: Social Change in the United States 1945-1983 (London Macmillan Publishers LTD1985). Winkler, A.M. Modern America: United States from World War II to the Present. (New York Harper & Row Publishers 1985). Boyer, P.at al. The Enduring Vision: A History of the American People. Concise 4th edition (Boston, 2002). Brogan, H. The Penguin History of the USA. New edition (London Penguin 2001) 1 A.M.Winkler, Modern America: United States from World War 11 to present.p.82. 2 Ibid.,p.84 3 W. H. Chafe. The Unfinished Journey: America since World War II. p.117. 4W. Issel. The Contemporary United States: Social change in the United States. p. 92. 5 W. Issel. The Contemporary United States: Social change in the United States. P. 90. 6 A.M. Winkler. Modern America: United States from World War 11 to the Present. p.78.